Sappho

INTRO 医学人类学最早起源于rivers于1924年发表的Medicine, Magic and Religion，现在的出版物、期刊、学术会议都蓬勃发展。十年前【指上个世纪六七十年代】，医学人类学家要么是接受传统人类学训练但对医疗感兴趣，要么是上了人类学课程的医护人员。动机——关于疾病的人类学话语及相关议题的出现【人类学家进入医疗领域后】，同时也有资金帮助。

关于书写疾病和治愈的方式：像写作其他现象一样【如Evans-Pritchard的阿赞德人的巫术和Turner的象征之林】——不过并不认为这是医学人类学的范例，更多的是宗教人类学；借用医学社会学的方法论和概念框架来描述，不过更早的源头在于现象学传统，但这二者但假定并不完全重合，区别在于认识论，社会人类学致力于寻找满意的认识论，而现象学只是要uncover the facts而不是生产。经验主义社会科学的危险在于将疾病中的社会关系碎片化；包括了对疾病的社会和经验参与的概念体系。

But life choices are not randomly distributed in our complex society, not are the diseases of civilization randomly distributed in less developed countries. Through some mechanism, people at a “lower” level get mainly wretched choices, such as choosing to work where they will be exposed to toxic substances and choosing to be periodically unemployed or chronically underemployed. And this same mechanism distributes to a “higher” level a large number of generally more healthful choices. The two sets of choices do not merely co-occur: each helps to determine the other (cf 51, pp. 21-22).

似乎还是回到政治经济批判的问题？

1. the anthropology of illness

Frake认为似乎人们对于疾病的处理和其他事物如植物学之外没什么本质性区别。疾病只是某种传递其他兴趣的哦那工具——显然作者不是这么认为的。Byron Good认为人类的疾病时基础性的内在具有解释空间的实践——和Frake的区别在于疾病语言应该如何被解释。Frake是形式主义的，而Good是意识和象征的传统，所以会认为疾病形式sickness term不等同于病症symptoms，他自己的方法论是社会关系无涉的social free association，和turner 的核心象征物有联系。

Blumhagen的方式是手机病人数据，建立语义学病症网络。Good则是informants的叙述需要在他的疾病语境下解释。

然后是凯博文。

DISEASE refers to abnormalities in the structure and/or function of organs and organ systems; pathological states whether or not they are culturally recognized; the arena of the biomedical model. ILLNESS refers to a person's perceptions and experiences of certain socially disvalued states including, but not limited to, disease. SICKNESS is a blanket term to label events involving disease and/or illness. According to Kleinman, medical anthropologists need to remember that their domain is sickness, even though their special contribution will be mainly with regards to illness. [For similar positions, see (34, 42, 43). On the anthropological study of illness and disease, see (4, 46, 81).]

他的兴趣核心是clinical临床的，聚焦于核心临床功能core clinical function，也就是医疗知识和实践是如何是人们建构关于疾病的体验、如何建立对健康的总体标准等。

In Kleinman's work, healing is not a mentalistic activity, although it is bound to the feelings, perceptions, and experiences of the individual.

根据clinical建立某种体系化结构化的对疾病的诠释。

1. the social relations of sickness

在凯博文的路径之外同时有一种路径，关注制造疾病的形态forms和分布distribution的社会关系。最早来源于EP和格拉克曼，甚至包括福柯。

1）Sickness and Healing

It will be recalled that EM writers adopted this disease-illness scheme as an alternative to what they saw as the Cartesian dualism of the biomedical view, i.e. in reaction to the view in which disease = sickness and the consciousness of the patient is bracketed out.

是为了反对二元对立才建构出disease=illness的图式，但被作者反对。

The point is that the disease-illness view does not require writers to give an account of the ways in which social relations shape and distribute sickness.

EM观点的缺漏在于没有看到群体和阶级中的权力，而且这种图式的根基是不完善的。Sickness is, then, a process for socializing disease and illness.

2）forms of medical knowledge

作者还认为EM学说讲不通的只是并峙。

In this scheme, explanatory models of illness are only one of several possible forms of theoretical knowledge. This explains why EM writers are incorrect if they assume that explanatory models are necessarily implicit in all of the statements an informant makes about sickness (101, 177).

3）medical as an ideological practice

人类存在极其惊艳被去历史化，成为自己的对象——社会秩序的意识形态的器官。阿赞德人的巫术系统也扮演着强烈德意识形态角色。但并不能保证这种解构就是祛魅化，而不是以另一种自然的名头来重新着魅。

4）efficacy and productivity

1. conclusion

医学人类学的两个分支：生物学传统和社会文化传统

What all of the anthropologists of sickness share is the premise that social forces and relations permeate medical anthropology's field. When these social conditions are ignored or deferred, knowledge of medical events, including what happens in the clinic, is distorted.