读书笔记｜image and pilgrimage in christian culture （下）
chapter 5: locality and universality in medieval pilgrimages
In this chapter, we shall trace how several medieval devotions grew into universal pilgrimages, and we shall conflate, for the purpose, the many interesting variations found in this period, roughly from the Muslim invasions of North Africa and Spain to the Reformation. By way of contrast, in chapter 6 we shall turn to modem, or post- Napoleonic, pilgrimages, usually founded in response to a vision or apparition of the Virgin Mary, and increasingly associated with millenarian ideas and predictions of impending doom for an areligious, unrepentant mankind. Both major genres of pilgrimage share many features, of course. But between them lies the industrial revolution, whose effects have transformed the whole of human society and culture radically, and Marian pilgrimage no less. （172）
本章与下一章的主旨。本章：探讨现代以前朝圣如何从地方性转向普遍性的过程。而下一章则主要是现代之后的朝圣的转变。而本章则从幻象开始说起（似乎和上一章的能治所指有所联系）。
Thus it is important to explain at this point what Catholic theologians mean by the terms “apparition,” “vision,” and “dream.”
中世纪朝圣中幻象一直扮演着重要角色，但中世纪的幻象和现代朝圣中的有所不同，所以要重新检索中世纪天主教神学中这些概念的功能地位和角色。因为教会知道信众都是相信一些超自然东西，所以教会从神学中吸取概念，以至：It makes the initial assumption that God exists and can intervene in the operation of “scientific laws” to produce effects entirely beyond the power of natural causes. Essential to the Christian faith, of course, is the belief that God has intervened in the past, and implicit is the idea that he may intervene again. On the other hand, a supernatural cause will be officially admitted as the explanation of an event only when all other possible explanations have been tested and found wanting by the Church.（173）。这似乎也就萎后文中关于圣玛丽的种种传说的合法性铺路。
由此，在中世纪中传说和幻象在信仰生活中就变的必要，并且收到教会的认可：
In medieval times, apparitions seem to have been regarded as an accepted, if rather rare, feature of human life. Yet it seems that in many cases accounts of the apparitions associated with the important medieval centers were not circulated until many years after the pilgrimages themselves were well established. In contrast, modem Marian pilgrimages begin quite explicitly with contemporary apparitions or other kinds of visions, and are subjected to close inquiry by the Church—and to ridicule by nonbelievers. The rhetoric of both inquiry and skepticism has been, since the mid-nineteenth century, that of the scientific realm.（174）
另一个解读的要素就是理性与非理性的相对性：一边是非理性的中世纪中怼幻想的解读有种种理性的要素，而另一方面则是理性化的工业时代下产生了种种非理性后果，如失业垄断等。
##Walsingham and Loreto
本章所主要分析的两个朝圣地点。
The date 1061 had clearly become traditional, for it is also found in the famous Pynson ballad containing the popular legend. (177)
暗示了Walsingham朝圣是一种上下交通的。
Walsingham和Loreto的构造神话颇有类似之处,二者都是在梦中被圣母教导？：
But the most remarkable parallel is with another famous replication shrine, the Holy House of Loreto in Italy.3 (Both Loreto and Walsingham were reckoned among the twenty-four principal Marian shrines for the concelebration of Mass at the close of the Third Session of Vatican II.(178)
而这背后实则暗示了某种中世纪精神：
Both shrines, characteristically marginal or li- minal to the major centers of political and ecclesiastical administration, conveyed the “far” quality of the Holy Land. They aptly stood for the “far” as against the “familiar,” the pure as opposed to the impure, the sacred as against the mundane, communitas confronting social structure, with the Annunciation representing all new beginnings, and the long hard road to the shrine representing repentance for one's sins as householder and politician. The great shrines were like Christian Meccas. Both Loreto and Walsingham drew pilgrims from other lands; they functioned not merely at the national but also at the international level of Christianity. Like that of many other shrines, their history reveals an internal process of change from spontaneity to structure, though never with a total declension in communitas. (Indeed, as we have seen, structure may frame “flow,” and flow, in turn, may sustain communitas.) That history also manifests the interaction between pilgrimage and context under changing economic and political conditions. (180)
这两座圣地都是政治和教会管理的主要中心的边缘或边缘，传达了圣地的 “遥远 “品质。它们恰当地代表了 “遥远 “与 “熟悉”，纯洁与不纯洁，神圣与世俗，社区与社会结构的对立，圣母领报代表了所有新的开始，而通往圣地的漫长艰难道路代表了对自己作为户主和政治家的罪过的忏悔。伟大的神殿就像基督教的麦加。洛雷托和沃尔辛厄姆都吸引了来自其他国家的朝圣者；它们不仅在国家层面，而且在基督教的国际层面发挥作用。与其他许多圣地一样，它们的历史揭示了一个从自发到结构的内部变化过程，尽管从来没有在共同体中完全衰落。
由于来朝圣的人很多，朝圣同时带来了某种政治经济后果：
A great number of wills bequeathing money and property to the Holy House have also come into light. Royal and noble benefactors abound.(181)
迄今为止都是上层的朝圣及其相关后果。甚至还有外国人，已表明范围之广。
但不能忽视的是庶民：
Nevertheless, it was the ordinary pilgrims who made the shrine the great center that it was.(182)
这一朝圣地点可以当作欧洲大陆交流但中专点：
The Slipper Chapel, mentioned previously, was the culmination of this chain, and the point from which the final ritualized approach to the Holy House was made. One etymological derivation of “Slipper,” incidentally, is from “slype,” which is the original name of this chapel of the pilgrimage saint Catherine and means “a covered passage” or “way-through”—a perfect metaphor for pilgrimage liminality. The main way-station from the continent of Europe was at Lynn, where those coming from the Low Countries landed.
来自欧洲大陆的主要中转站在林恩，来自低地国家的人在这里登陆.
Loreto, too, had its ebb and flow in the stream of history (Gillett 1949:vol.l,pp.37-43). Like Walsingham, it received homage from many famous people—prelates, kings, doctors of the church, and saints. Forty-seven popes knelt there as popes; others, who went as cardinals, later became popes. As at Walsingham, immense sums of money and quantities of treasure were lavished on the shrine.
Loreto圣殿的历史同样存在这种flow，曾被王公贵族斥巨资朝拜或修缮。
与基督教朝拜形成的对比的是伊斯兰朝圣。
Islam made of Mecca a mandalalike center of normative communitas (a center topographically represented by the Black Stone at the Kaaba), and thus transformed liminality into its opposite. Islam is ideally conceived as a vast communitas of cobelievers.（189）
伊斯兰教被理想地设想为一个巨大的cobelievers communitas，而麦加则是规范性中心。通过参与麦加和麦地那朝圣的共同仪式和典礼，以及与其他土地和民族的穆斯林同胞的交流，这种意识得到了加强。伊斯兰世界的统一性与分层的、等级森严的社会形成对比，后者具有强烈的地方传统，是西方基督教世界相对较小区域的特点。但这种观点的问题在于庶民的朝圣及其在伊斯兰世界中的存在被忽视。且基督教世界的朝圣体系中同样存在类似的效应。然而，罗马教会对社区和社会结构之间关系的官方看法与伊斯兰教有很大不同，这反映在它对朝圣者多中心主义的容忍上【类似于罗马帝国统治模式】这种模式认为，在一个权力机构下的最广泛的系统在性质上是分等级和分部门的，而不是一个同质的共同体。根据罗马的教会政府理论。”教会作为一个完美的社会，在与她的精神目的有关的所有问题上，对她的臣民、立法、司法和行政有最高的权威。根据神圣的制度，对普世教会的最高权力属于教皇个人，以及与教皇联合的主教集体（在盲法会议上）。主教在他们自己的领土上拥有权威（分割），取决于教皇（等级制度）。教皇在管理普世教会方面得到红衣主教的协助，红衣主教可以是一个机构（神圣学院），也可以分布在罗马公理会、法庭和办事处。在微观上，主教在他的教区内得到大教堂分会、教区议会官员和教区主任的协助。这似乎也与圣经中的头-身体理论又相通之处。由此，local custom也开始浮现。这其实是一种unity in diversity（190）。
而伊斯兰的共同体组织形式则相反。
Thus while Islam places communitas, umma, at the center of its unity, medieval Christendom and modem Catholicism place the structuring of diversity according to uniform principles in that central position. These ideal paradigms have paradoxical consequences in each case. The essence of spontaneous communitas is its temporal transience—the “wind that bloweth where it listeth.” Yet Muhammad's declaration of the hajj as a duty incumbent on all Muslims is a formulation precluding both spontaneity and brevity, since long preparation, practical and spiritual, is required for this great journey, often overseas. The Catholic Church, on the other hand, has always been a little cautious about admitting any manifestation of communitas as a foundation for unity—except in the Gospel episode of Pentecost itself, when, in the brief spontaneity of the spirit, many became one though speaking various tongues. Communitas has often been seen as something to be brought under control, a charisma to be routinized, a grace to be thankful for, perhaps, but not part of the regular running of things, the business of the Church, as Arklike it floats through the choppy ages. But the pilgrimage process, when seen from the perspective of a given shrine's history, often begins with extraordinary manifestations or charisms, which are soon recognized as being for the good of others, not merely for their first recipients, and lead to an influx of pilgrims to the place where the manifestations are popularly believed to have occurred.（191）
自发的共同体的本质是它的暂时性—“风吹到哪里就到哪里”。然而，穆罕默德宣布朝觐是所有穆斯林义不容辞的责任，这一表述既排除了自发性，也排除了短暂性，因为这一伟大的旅程需要长期的准备，包括实践和精神上的准备，但在天主教中共融并非某种义务性规定，更多的是自发性。turner在这背后其实还想探讨structure和communitas的张力：
Rome can be seen, once more, as a center of governmental structure. Structure, not communitas, is made central to this pilgrimage obligation; the continuity of canon law with imperial Roman law serves admirably. But one result of structuring the center is that communitas breaks out, like solar coronas, all over the peripheries, in spontaneously engendered pilgrimages, crackling with charisms. Because they are peripheral, responsibility for their legitimization is placed squarely in the lap of bishops。（192）
structure是朝圣义务的核心，但朝圣中心结构化的结果就是他的边远地区爆发出communitas： The Church has always been a deft integrator, and bishops have, on the whole, tried to channel popular enthusiasm in orthodox directions—in other words, to effect a kind of social sublimation—rather than to quash it. But the bishop goes into all the circumstances of a reputed apparition or miracle, estimating the probity of witnesses, being watchful for contradictions in testimony, and assessing the theological implications of the alleged vision, to decide whether it would be more prudent to turn a blind eye to a popular fait accompli and give official approval to the nascent pilgrimage, or to condemn it out of hand.
疾病不仅仅是一个医疗问题，更是一个道德问题；朝圣的圣地过去是，现在也是，穷人的医生——朝圣用以洗刷过去的罪恶。
The laws of magic overruled the moral action of free will. Pilgrimage became a part of the structured social field of interacting feudal states and ecclesiastical institutions, and functioned to maintain it. Protected by ecclesiastical and political authorities, pilgrimage became worldly and fashionable. According to Sidney Heath (1911:33), “the scrip and the staff were as frequently assumed for the purpose of committing new sins as for the performance of penance for old ones.” Assignations were made in the “leafy bowers” by holy wells or in the “dimly lighted cathedral.” Adultery was said to be common in shrines in Lombardy, France, and England.(197)
朝圣成为相互作用的封建国家和教会机构的结构化社会领域的一部分，并发挥着维护它的作用。在教会和政治当局的保护下，朝圣变得世俗化和时尚化——最终被世俗结构化。
总结：
Here, then, is yet another case of religious succession and pilgrimage stratification. Communitas persists through religious and theological change; but it requires terms and norms to give it frame, focus, and a flow pattern. While one religion prevails, social and cultural structures seem immutable. But structures, and the symbols which manifest them, do break up and crumble. What often persists is communitas, no longer normative or ideological, but waiting to be given new form by a new religion.
社区在宗教和神学变化中持续存在；但它需要术语和规范来赋予它框架、重点和流动模式。当一种宗教占上风时，社会和文化结构似乎是不可改变的。但结构和体现它们的符号确实会破裂和崩溃。持续存在的往往是共同体，不再是规范的或意识形态的，而是等待被新的宗教赋予新的形式。
chapter6
In the Middle Ages, Mary as Theotokos, holding or even nursing her Divine Son, received much iconic representation. Marian devotion formed part of a vast system of beliefs and rituals. Early in the nineteenth century, though, the emphasis began to shift to Mary herself, as an autonomous figure who takes initiatives on behalf of mankind, often intervening in the midst of the economic and political crises characteristic of industrialized mass society.
玛利亚朝圣在后工业时代的复兴，及其与之前的区别。在中世纪，玛利亚作为圣母玛利亚，抱着甚至护着她的神子，得到了很多标志性的表现。玛丽亚的奉献形成了一个庞大的信仰和仪式体系的一部分。但在19世纪初，重点开始转向玛丽亚本人，作为一个代表人类的自主人物，她经常在工业化大众社会特有的经济和政治危机中进行干预。
与之相关的也与教会自身的变化有关：清教兴起。
The Catholic interpretation of this doctrine, as we have seen, posits a spiritual solidarity Unking “the faithful on earth, the souls in purgatory, and the saints in heaven in the organic unity of the same mystical body under Christ its head, and in a constant interchange of supernatural offices...True, in 1519 Luther argued that “the communion of saints” (and not the papacy) constituted the Church (Werfce II, 1884:190). Later writers, however, have taken the phrase to mean an aggregate of persons having a community of faith and ties of Christian sympathy, but in no way organized or interdependent as members of the same visible body...There is one important difference: while membership in an ancestral cult is “ascribed”— that is, dependent on ties of real or fictitious kinship (usually, lineal kinship)—membership in the communion of saints is “acquired,” or “achieved,” by faith, works, and submission to ecclesiastical rule. Nevertheless, the familial, domestic metaphor is highly appropriate to the Catholic concept of the communion of saints, and terms such as father, son, mother, daughter, brother, sister, spouse, are freely applied within that corporate body to created persons both living and dead, as well as to the uncreated Persons, the Father and Son of the Trinity. The Holy Spirit, moreover, personalizes the circulation of communitas through the entire corporate body.（204-205）
清教徒不再相信炼狱和其他种种幽灵、幻象的中介作用，所剩的唯有因信称义。且这种孤身一人的俗世中的修行也让天主教会所带来的communitas的削减。在理性化降临的祛魅下，信徒与旧日saints的联系被切断。由此，圣母朝圣似乎也因此处于某种危机。不过，天主教倒是一直将这种超自然幻象当作某种积极的现实，所以这实际上也为圣母朝圣的复兴埋下伏笔：
Catholics have always held that the supernatural is not a theoretically derived conception, but a positive fact, which can be known only as a result of initiatives taken by beings or powers from beyond the sensory “veil.” It is manifested through revelation, miracles, prophecies, and apparitions. The Catholic Church considers itself a living body, perpetuated from biblical times on, through postscriptural and post- apostolic history; since the generative biblical era was full of revelations and miracles, the possibility remains that similar phenomena may occur today. (205)
它是通过启示、神迹、预言和幻觉表现出来的。天主教会认为自己是一个活的机构，从圣经时代开始，通过圣经后和使徒后的历史，一直延续到现在；由于生成的圣经时代充满了启示和奇迹，今天仍然有可能发生类似的现象。
在这种语境下，玛丽的复兴不再是不可能——所谓理性化时代也并非铁板一块【就像今天也有很多迷信，比如遇到水逆要去雍和宫】
Miracles did not cease at the death of the last apostle. The doctrine of the communion of saints posits that Jesus, who became man and had a human soul, his mother Mary, the apostles, and all the saints, whether canonized or not, are still, in some sense and at certain times, quasi-materially “present,” and can manifest themselves to men and women like ourselves and mediate in various ways between the spiritual and material orders.（206）
奇迹并没有因为最后一位使徒的死亡而停止。圣徒共融学说认为，成为人并拥有人类灵魂的耶稣、他的母亲马利亚、使徒和所有圣徒，无论是否被封为圣徒，在某种意义上和在某些时候，仍然是准物质的 “存在”，并能向像我们这样的男人和女人展示自己，以各种方式在精神和物质秩序之间进行调解。这背后的神学基础仍没有被完全消解。
另一方面，已经建立起的communitas也没有崩溃，
William Christian argues that mobility and the mass media have broken down boundaries, that industrialization has led to the migration of labor and the reallocation of resources in the rural areas; non-Catholic schemes for living have had wide circulation, and the rise in the standard of living has made people loath to undergo such hardships as pilgrimage journeys, while natural means are at hand to procure benefits previously thought to be beyond the power and means of peasants and urban workers. Forces in the Catholic Church itself, such as the Catholic Action movement (which involves the laity in the planning and management of church affairs and in proselytizing) and the major reforms promulgated by the Second Vatican Council, have contributed to bringing localized Catholic communities into regular contact with other worlds, ideas, life-styles.(207)
流动性和大众传媒打破了界限，工业化导致了劳动力的迁移和农村地区资源的重新分配；非天主教的生活计划得到了广泛的传播，生活水平的提高使人们不愿意承受朝圣之旅这样的苦难，而自然手段则可以获得以前被认为是农民和城市工人所不能及的好处。天主教会本身的力量，如天主教行动运动（让教友参与教会事务的规划和管理，并参与传教活动），以及梵蒂冈第二届理事会颁布的重大改革，都有助于使当地的天主教团体与其他世界、思想、生活方式经常接触。
所以在19世纪时出现了the Age of Mary.
Some of the most popular Marian pilgrimages originated in this period. All of them began with a vision in which Mary delivered an important message. Unlike the messages characteristic of the medieval “shepherds' cycle” discussed earlier, in which the Virgin instructed the individual visionary to found a shrine to her, the message of the modem visions is a general call to all humankind to repent and be saved. A considerable populist literature, often chiliastic in tone, has developed in connection with apparitional pilgrimages. The Virgin's message is identified with lower-middle- class interests, and both big business and international socialism are condemned as major causes of humankind's sins, the sins we are called upon to repent. Whereas medieval Marian pilgrimages are seldom known to have begun as the immediate consequence of a vision (the foundation narratives have a mythical quality and seem to have arisen long after the pilgrimages were operant), the postindustrial pilgrimages clearly owe their origin to particular visionary or apparitional experiences.
现代异象的信息是对全人类的普遍呼吁，要求他们忏悔并得到拯救。伴随着异象朝圣，出现了相当多的民粹主义文学，圣母的信息与中下层的利益相关。且中世纪的圣母朝圣很少是作为异象的直接结果而开始的（基础叙事具有神话色彩，似乎是在朝圣活动开始后很久才出现的），而后工业时代的朝圣活动显然要归功于特殊的异象或显灵经历。
但仍然面临着进化论的危机
Marian doctrines, by patristic and subsequent tradition, hinge on the notion of Mary as the new Eve, redeeming mankind from the original sin of the first Eve. The new Eve entails a first Eve; Mary and Eve are structurally interconnected. Modem evolutionary theories, however, have claimed the prestige of science, in an age of mounting technological achievement, to argue against the notion that a special creative act of God brought humanity's first parents, Adam and Eve, onto the terrestrial scene(210)...The Church must have recognized that if, in the view of the masses, Mary truly lived, then Adam and the first Eve would have lived, too, and man would be seen as more than just a nodal point on the wavering line of biotic evolution, indeed as the “express image and likeness of God,” qualitatively distinct from the animal kingdom. If theological argument could not prevail among the faithful, against the evolutionists, then popular movements, rooted in and stimulated by corporeal visions, and associated with a plethora of miraculous cures, could convince the people that biblical times were not dead, that they continued through the Church. (211)
此时，上层天主教教会也开始告诫民众不要轻信异象，但古老的救世圣母的形象早已在民众中扎根：
Yet the redoubtable conservative Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani, regarded as an archfoe by the proponents of Catholic reform, wrote an article in the Vatican newspaper Osservatore Romano, in 1951, cautioning Catholics about accepting visions too credulously. “Even the most accredited visions cannot furnish us with new elements of life or doctrine, but only with new motives for fervor. True religion abides essentially, not only in the conscience, but in the love of God and the consequent love of our neighbor.” “New motives for fervor” indeed proliferated in Marian visions, miracles, and devotions. Though “feudal and idyllic relations,” in the words of the Communist Manifesto (1848), were ending, and with them many of the regional and district saints' devotions, a generalized, universal mother, “heart of the heartless world,” the Mother of God, was available to the dispossessed, uprooted masses of Catholic Europe; according to immemorial pilgrimage tradition, she had many times manifested herself to the poor and despised.（213）
接下来就是两个例子：法国圣母la salette和lourdes
la salette的幻象流传于19世纪30年代，且是经过两个孩子的口——孩子是否象征着天真无邪、不会说谎、也不理性？【需要简单复述一下圣母的故事】有意思的是，圣母幻象的确证是通过一系列理性化手段而完成的。
Later, in the summer of 1847, the bishop appointed two members of the faculty of the Grand Siminaire— Canon Rousselot, professor of theology, and Canon Orcel, the superior—to make a thorough investigation of the whole affair. Not only did these men interview the children separately and thoroughly, they also collected evidence from the local peasants that there were many extraordinary cures as a result of either the intercession of Our Lady of La Salette (the name of the mountain from which the Little Spring ran) or the use of water from the spring. The people also alleged that, since the apparition, the spring had flowed there uninterruptedly, though it was formerly dried up for most of the year. (217)
最终在1847年，委员会的大部分成员都认同了幻象的有效、合法。当然也会有质疑存在，包括科学家、理性主义者、无神论者，但最严重的质疑来自于教会内部。教会权威Curé否认男孩见过圣母，又有人说孩子们见到的圣母其实是邻村的一个贵妇（不过也有人否认这一点）。
There had been no apparition, D6l6on charged; rather, a harmless hoax by an eccentric and pious woman had escalated into a major new Marian cultus...These arguments and counterarguments give a notion of the rhetoric and polemical style of mid-nineteenth-century controversies over apparitions and miracles and their role in the inception of pilgrimage devotions. It is tempting to analyze the Salette controversy, from the point of view of political anthropology, as a “social drama” or an “extended case history” (220)
力图打消幻象的合法。这些论点和反驳给出了一个概念，即19世纪中期关于显灵和神迹的争论的修辞和论证风格，以及它们在朝圣奉献开始时的作用。从政治人类学的角度来看，很容易将萨莱特的争议分析为 “社会剧 “或 “扩展的案例历史，不过，人民用脚投票：“As so often happens, however, people “voted with their feet,” quite literally, whatever the clergy said or did, and the pilgrimage established itself, with the usual array of “cures” and spiritual and material “favors,” and the rapid creation of pilgrim ways and facilities.“（221）朝圣之旅建立起来了，通常有一系列的 “治疗 “和精神及物质 “恩惠”，并迅速建立了朝圣的途径和设施。
而la salette圣母的要义则在于：不忏悔就死亡。公开的信息包含了忏悔的号召—有时还包含了威胁，如果人们不回应的话。这种威胁要么是当地的灾难（如在拉萨特预言的马铃薯和小麦枯萎病），要么是大范围的灾难，而照做的话一战也会平息。可以看到，这无关个人的得救与否，而是群体性的救赎。
另一方面，那两个孩子在见证之后，也将回到原先的生活秩序中，不过却发现他们都并没有很好地融入，这种见证并不是仪式过程的liminoid，甚至是某种割裂的开始。
另一个apparition是Lourdes（226）【简单复述】。特征：
The events and symbols connected with the Lourdes apparitions, whether influenced by clerical prompting or not, have a highly orthodox flavor, as contrasted with the heterodox, apocalyptic messages to Milanie. Lourdes is not divinatory. The apparitions of Lourdes simply reinforce traditional doctrines; they add nothing to the “deposit of faith,” though amateur Catholic exegesis delights in finding portents in apparitions, as we have seen.（227）
与卢尔德显灵有关的事件和符号，无论是否受到教士提示的影响，都具有高度的正统色彩，只是加强教义。卢尔德显灵及其解释的正统性，与梅兰妮的恐惧信息形成对比，从天主教的角度看，伯纳黛特本人的典范圣洁性与之相匹配。由此，不同于la salette，lourdes圣母也更具正统性权威：Lourdes, unlike La Salette, has become an authentic, international devotion within the Catholic Church. (229）
最后一章：总结
分析思路与基本出发点：
》We have seen, for example, that pilgrimage should be regarded not merely as an ideal model but as an institution with a history. Each pilgrimage, of any length, is vulnerable to the history of its period and must come to terms with shifts of political geography. Pilgrimage is more responsive to social change and popular moods than liturgical ritual, fixed by rubric.
朝圣不应该仅仅被视为一种理想的模式，而应该被视为一种有历史的机构。每一次朝圣，无论时间长短，都容易受到其时代历史的影响，而且必须适应政治地理的变化。朝圣比礼仪仪式更能对社会变化和民众情绪做出反应。
回到liminoid和liminality的关键概念：
Pilgrimage systems are more “liminoid” (open, optational, not conceptualized as religious routine) than “liminal” (belonging to the mid-stage in a religious processual structure consisting of rites of separation, limen or margin, and reaggregation—as discussed by Arnold van Gennep). Liminal phenomena are embodied in the collaborative “work” of a tribal or early agrarian society's annual ecological and social structural round, and are obligatory for all. Liminoid phenomena, though present in the simpler societies, prevail in societies of greater scale and complexity, and tend to be generated by the voluntary activity of individuals during their free time. The universal religions, addressed to the salvation of individuals, with a stress on individual choice, establish favorable conditions for the development of liminoid phenomena and processes in the total culture. Liminal features persist, however, in the liturgical structures of the universal religions, and, indeed, in many secular institutions. But the developing, secular leisure domain becomes crowded with liminoid genres such as the fine arts, the folk arts, and critiques of social structure, as well as apologies for it. The voluntaristic character of pilgrimage in the formative centuries of the historical religions places it within the liminoid camp, but the “archaic” category (for example, OcotUn, Le Puy, St. Patrick's Purgatory) bears clear traces of an antecedent Iiminality。。。More important, when a religious system becomes tightly structured and organized, and closely articulated with nonreligious structures, political, legal, and economic, its pilgrimages tend to revert from the liminoid to the liminal or “pseudo-liminal”; that is, they “regress” from voluntaristic processes to become pseudo-tribal initiatory institutions, stressing relics, ritualistic acts, and the “miraculous” properties of wells, trees, places where saints stood or rested, and other concrete objects associated with holy individuals. In our view, this is what happened with Catholic pilgrimage in the High Middle Ages.（232）
随着宗教组织的严密，并与非宗教结构、政治、法律和经济结构紧密相连时，朝圣也从liminoid向liminality转化，它们从自愿的过程 “倒退 “到成为伪部落的启动机构，强调遗物、仪式行为，以及水井、树木、圣人站立或休息的地方和其他与圣人有关的具体物品的 “神奇 “特性。从这个角度来看，早期天主教的朝圣都是liminoid的，因为都是自愿的，朝圣的愿望本身就是一种魅力，是信仰的一种特殊天赋。随着基督教的发展，朝圣变得与整个系统融为一体。在中世纪晚期，特别是当教会变得强大的结构化时，朝圣被纳入其忏悔系统，甚至被规定为对世俗罪行的一种惩罚【如圣帕特里克？】。中世纪的天主教朝圣成为忏悔圣事的延伸，是将每个人的道德状态置于教会控制之下的制度化手段。
并且这种朝圣也开始扩散【与特定历史进程相结合】：
Specific historical factors expedited pilgrimage structuration. When Islam closed off the Holy Places of Palestine to almost all Christian pilgrims, and occupied the North African coast and much of Spain, the Mediterranean, says Jacques Pirenne, ceased to be man nostrum, our (Roman) sea; and the center of gravity of Christendom shifted to France, Germany, and northern Europe. (233)
特定的历史因素加速了朝圣的结构化。当伊斯兰教对几乎所有的基督教朝圣者关闭了巴勒斯坦的圣地，并占领了北非海岸和西班牙的大部分地区时，基督教的重心转移到了法国、德国和北欧。地的朝圣综合体，由传统上与耶稣的生活、教导和死亡有关的地点组成，实际上是以献给耶稣和玛丽的不同方面的圣地的形式零散地转移到欧洲，而且往往被认为是奇迹或幻觉的来源。结果是在一个多语言的欧洲，出现了朝圣的多中心主义。而这种多中心主义对地区的经济政治情况有深远影响:
The major shrines exert a magnetic effect on the whole communications and transportation system, charging with sacredness many of its features, and fostering the construction of sacred and secular edifices to serve the needs of the human stream passing through it. Pilgrimage centers in fact generate a socioeconomic “field”; they have a kind of social “entelechy.”
主要的圣地对整个通信和交通系统产生磁力作用，使其许多特征具有神圣性，并促进了神圣和世俗建筑的建设，以满足经过该系统的人流的需要。朝圣中心实际上产生了一个社会经济 “领域”；它们有一种社会 “恩特莱奇”。并间接地促进资本主义的产生【似乎是某种亲和性？】：
If S'the Protestant ethic—with its stress on diligence, thrift, virtue, and ^fair-dealing in one's secular vocation, and its belief that one's place jn the world is a God-given sign of faith or election—was, indeed, as Max Weber thought, a precondition (a necessary if not sufficient cause) of capitalism, then the “pilgrimage ethic,” with its emphasis on “holy travel” and the benefits flowing from such travel, may ; very well have helped to create the communications networks that I later made mercantile and industrial capitalism a viable national ^_and international system.(234)
然后是圣母朝圣和圣象/象征的关系。
圣母玛利亚的特别之处：
Marian pilgrimages, in particular, throw into high relief the problems involved in iconicity, the material representation of religious ideas. Iconic symbols, though stylized in varying degree, clearly link signifier and signified in some way: the signifier may be a metaphor for the signified; may be an attempt to portray the meaning literally, as in a picture of the Assumption for example, or there may be other connections, sometimes metonymic, of association or genealogy, between them....Beyond all other types of Christian representation, Marian icons excite the greatest devotion from iconophiles, and the greatest hostility and hate from iconophobes. (234-235)
圣母所激起的是圣像崇拜。这个问题也许是天主教徒与新教徒之间分歧最深的一个问题。一个根本原因可能是在西方传统中对女性的普遍评价，将其视为可感知的主要象征。女人不仅被看作是一个载体，一个容器，而且是一个载体，一个很少的载体。从这个结构性的角度来看，她是符号化的本质，而男人，或男性性，是符号化的本质：
This issue is perhaps the one which most deeply divides Catholics from Protestants. One underlying cause may be the pervasive evaluation of woman, in the Western tradition, as the dominant symbol of the sensorily perceptible. Woman is seen not merely as a vehicle, ore vessel, but as vehidehood, ves- seldom. From this structural perspective, she is the essence of signifying, while man, or maleness, is the essence of the signified.
所以，实际上，玛利亚就是能指signifier，而耶稣基督就是所指signified。而清教徒对肉体的批判（如米尔顿的史诗）可能有类似的基础。【圣母毕竟也是肉身性的载具】turner还指出在最近一个时期，新的玛丽亚朝圣地被建立起来，与显示母子之间紧张关系的幻象有关：母亲挡住了儿子的惩罚性手臂，但她却责备人类忘记了宗教信仰，并承诺如果没有广泛的忏悔，就会有地球上的灾难和永恒的地狱。而这与女性意识的崛起有关。
最后则是pilgrimage stratification，从横向的变迁到纵向的剖析：
和印度教形成对比的，天主教内部也同样存在分化：
Christian pilgrimages are stratified into four major levels: (1) international (for example, Jerusalem, Rome, Lourdes, Guadalupe in Mexico); (2) national (for example, San Juan de los Lagos in Mexico, St. Anne de Beaupri in Canada, Our Lady of Czestochowa in Poland, Our Lady of Knock in Ireland, Our Lady of the Pillar in Spain); (3) regional (for example. Our Lady of OcotUn for Tlaxcala state in Mexico; and (4) intervillage (for example, the “valley shrines” described by William Christian 1972:61-78). Though these strata are roughly comparable to the levels observed by Bhardwaj in India, some major differences may be noted in the patterns of worship at the various levels. Christian pilgrims seem to frequent the high-level (national and international) shrines quite as much for “favors” (including miraculous cures) as for purely devotional reasons corresponding to Bhardwaj's “merit pattern.” In contrast, the deepest personal piety may be expressed in private devotions at a domestic shrine dedicated to one of the many aspects of Jesus or Mary. Another feature distinguishing the Christian pilgrimage system from the Hindu is the pervasiveness of the supreme maternal prototype, the Virgin Mary. She is venerated at every shrine level and in generalized devotional cults, whereas Hindu mother deities tend to be worshiped primarily at the local level (Bhardwaj 1973:92). These differences may perhaps be correlated with the caste principle in Hindu ritual as against the dogma of the Incarnation in Christianity。（239）
基督教朝圣分为四个主要层次。(1）国际（例如耶路撒冷、罗马、卢尔德、墨西哥的瓜达卢佩）；（2）国家（例如墨西哥的圣胡安德洛斯拉戈斯、加拿大的圣安妮德博普里、波兰的琴斯托霍瓦圣母、爱尔兰的诺克圣母、西班牙的柱子圣母）；（3）区域（例如。墨西哥Tlaxcala州的OcotUn圣母；以及（4）村庄间（例如，William Christian 1972:61-78所描述的 “山谷圣地”）。
同时：
Nevertheless, broad similarities of social structure may be detected in the two major pilgrimage systems. Local-level pilgrimage shrines in both Hinduism and Christianity fall at the “liminal” end of the spectrum; high-level shrines at the more “liminoid” end.(239)
体系内的更高等级都是liminoid的，而相对低级的、边缘的就是liminal
the Catholic Church has often been perfectly conscious of this phenomenon, and has sought to maintain the various levels in some sort of balanced relationship by distributing honors—such as papal coronation of devotional images, designation of the shrine as a minor basilica, beatification or canonization of a local visionary— among pilgrimage shrines in degrees commensurate with their current popularity, political importance, and doctrinal significance.
而这种分类并不是说每个时代每个地区就有某种特定的类型。天主教教会也在有意识地平衡这一点。如教皇对虔诚形象的加冕，将圣地指定为小教堂，对当地的异象者进行封圣或加冕—来保持不同层次的平衡关系。
但随着工业革命，村人口的减少，大量移民到快速增长的旱地，工厂里的集体劳动，以及越来越细的劳动分工；导致了工会、管理协会和基于社会经济阶层的政治斗争的发展；导致了大规模的交通和通信。一个人作为父母、家长、养家糊口的人、家庭主妇、政治参与者、宗教团体成员、运动员等角色的分离，也就使得教会和朝圣所精心构筑的commnitas岌岌可危。（One result has been an erosion of village and intervillage corporateness. ）
不过，所剩下的是某种泛化的朝圣【与旅游结合的朝圣】，如在美国，1976年庆祝美国诞生的两百周年，数百万旅行者参观了反对英国统治的解放斗争中的军事和立法胜利和悲剧的场景。
We have in mind the revivalist camp meetings of rural America: instead of a pilgrimage by the faithful to a distant holy place, a holy person or preacher comes to a familiar place, where it is not a visual symbol, an image, that is efficacious for salvation or healing, but an auditory symbol, the word of Holy Writ... In Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors, vie have already noted that the holiest pilgrimage shrines in several major religions tend to be located on the periphery of cities, towns, or other well-demarcated territorial units. Peripherality here represents liminality and communitas, as against sociocultural structure. Catholic and Protestant faithful alike seek retreat from quotidian preoccupations and sins by making a pilgrimage movement of some kind, a step per agros, “through the fields,” to the shrine or preacher bringing them renewal of faith and heart. (241)
信徒们不是到遥远的圣地朝圣，而是圣人或传教士来到一个熟悉的地方，在那里，具有救赎或治疗效果的不是一个视觉符号，一个图像，而是一个听觉符号，即圣书的话语。然而，重要的是，这些聚会不是在城镇或村庄中间举行，而是在城市边缘的、农村的营地举行，与一些村庄或家园稍有不同。而这就代表了liminality和commintas，从日常的关注和罪孽中撤退，给他们带来信仰和心灵的更新。